(In collaboration with Termometro Politico)
Today, we are going to talk about the Greek referendum; however, we also have to include it in a wider framework. The world is changing and this referendum is a symptom of a general European crisis. It is not only an economic crisis, because currently this drift is happening on more sides: social, military, political, a crisis of fundamental European values.
The Greek situation unmercifully shows the European Union uneasiness and its contradictions: since the crisis began, the political European debate has only been subordinated to economic rigor and financial stability. It seems that our politicians have forgotten the European original values: peace, democracy and solidarity.
Analyzing the pivot of the Greek crisis we can observe we are condemning Hellenic citizens in relation to their debt; nevertheless, I think the point is different: the Greeks did not create their debt or manipulated their financial statements to enter in the Eurozone. Their politicians did it, however they are free, not in prison, and they are not paying anything for their mistakes. Instead, their citizens are paying with tragic consequences.
In 1953, the European Countries, including Greece, decided for the German debt restructuring, the same restructuring that now Germany intends to exclude. The European Union was born to create a federation of States, to defend us from the URSS, to improve our relationships and it was based on the above-mentioned three core values. Nevertheless, now the European Union is divided in three blocks: the first, the Northern Block, is composed by Germany and Northern States, which want to base the communitarian policy only on economic strength and structural reforms. The second one – the Eastern Block – is led by Poland, which is scared by Russian threats and seems to prefer the American alliance than the European one, maintaining an high level of tension in the relationships with the Siberian Bear.
The third one, the Southern Block, is formed by Portugal, Spain, France, Italy and Greece: a block without a real leadership, unable to suggest an alternative vision of European Union.
After centuries of struggles and two World Wars, we are yet incapable of finding common interests and share political actions. We are motionless and fossilized on a World that does no longer exist. We are still focusing on acting singularly, without understanding that the World is changing and moving away from us. Meanwhile we carry on fighting us each other while the U.S. unipolarism is finishing and another order is rising. Strong powers are raising now their voice in the international balance of power, such as Russia, India, and China. In addition, many others want to be duly considered, such as Iran.
Currently, the European Union is being threatened by the rise of the Islamic State (ISIS) and several Islamist fighting groups, has ambiguous allies like Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia (the first is suspected to be compromised in ISIS sponsorship, the second and the third are well – known squares of private funding in favor to all Sunni battalions); is supporting a gulped government infiltrated by Nazi elements in Ukraine; is negotiating the TTIP, whereas currently this deal is more favorable for the U.S. then the EU interests. Lots of problem, so, but no solution at the horizon. Moreover, in February George Friedman, Chairman of one of the most influential U.S. think tanks (Stratfor), affirmed during a conference in Chicago, that the U.S. primordial interest for centuries, and now indeed, has been to prevent a coalition between Russia and Germany because it would be the unique real threat against U.S. power. No answer from frau Merkel.
In conclusion, the Greek referendum does not regard only an “economic matter”: it concerns an overall European drift. If Europe cannot be able to help State members, how could they find and defend our interests? One of the political pivots affirms that a State has to reach its primordial aim before reaching the others if it does not want to die. The primordial aim of a State is its survival, declined in its security; however, we are not ready yet to rethink a European security. Not a security based on the U.S. supremacy: it is time to think of a European security free from the interests of our overseas allies, as it is once again demonstrated by the fact that during the chaos of Lyon, Susa and of Middle East, Obama was concentrated on national issues related to the decision in favor of same-sex marriages.
The Greek referendum, the last sign of a Europe in distress, opens a new chapter in the communitarian process and maybe it could help our leaders and politicians to find the strength and the willingness to recreate an European Union finally based on our common interests.
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PAOLO CORBETTA
Bachelor’s degree in Political Sciences (University of Milan)
